However, Zimbabwe President Robert Mugabe, who has already said
that his government would continue to ignore these rulings, has issued
the following warning: "I urge farmers to drop the nonsense of
fighting the land issue in the courts, as that will make us even more
angry."
"We cannot ignore the imperative of land reform," said the 30-page
ruling by the five Supreme Court judges last week, but "we cannot punish
what is wrong by stopping what is right."
This is not the first time that the highest court in Zimbabwe has
ruled against the government's controversial land grab, which resulted
in the illegal occupation of about 1,700 white-owned farms by landless
blacks, a campaign spearheaded by war veterans loyal to Mugabe.
"We should not be defending ourselves in the courts. ... They have no
role in this case," said Mugabe, addressing the ruling party ZANU (PF)
special congress held this month.
"This country is our country, and this land is our land," he told the
delegates, who cheered loudly when Mugabe said, "The white man is
not indigenous to Africa. ... Africa is for Africans ... Zimbabwe is for
Zimbabweans."
Mugabe emerged as the clear victor at the congress, where he was asked
to remain party and state leader "until the land issue has been
resolved."
This decision ended any earlier speculation that certain party
delegates would raise the issue of Mugabe's successor for the
presidential elections due in 2002.
Most analysts believe that Mugabe's cronies have done their homework
ahead of the congress by purging the regional party leadership of
critics and "doubtfuls."
Their next step, too, was predictable some loyalists were included
in the new Politburo (Minister of Finance Simba Makoni and Minister
of Information Jonathan Moyo), while several "doubtfuls," such as
former Cabinet ministers Edison Zvogbo and Chen Chimutengvende, were
ruled out.
Mugabe strongly believes that land redistribution, officially
explained as an attempt to rectify colonial injustices, will improve
his popularity and the ruling party's shattered image among the
landless rural people.
The ruling party won the parliamentary elections in June this year
with a narrow majority 62 to 57. Opposition members previously were
able to secure only three seats out of 150 in Parliament; 30 members
are, in effect, at the discretion of Mugabe.
ZANU (PF) fared particularly badly in the main urban centers, such
as Harare, the capital, and Bulawayo, the second-largest city, where
the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), which was formed
only a year ago, secured a landslide victory.
Most observers had expected that the urban poor, most affected by the
social and economic hardships (spiraling inflation, ever-increasing prices of essential goods, high unemployment, etc.), would
vote for the opposition.
ZANU (PF) scored its victories mainly in the countryside, where
Mugabe's popularity has not faded so fast and where the promise of
land proved to be an attractive carrot.
International organizations and Western donors are not questioning the
need for land redistribution in this African country where about 4,000 white farmers own more than one third of the best arable
land. However, they were and remain to be very critical of the land
grab, particularly the illegal occupation of about 1,700 white-owned
farms since February.
The United Kingdom, a former colonial power, the U.S. and most other Western
countries have pointed out that some government, party and military
officials were the ones who profited most during the previous land
redistribution.
However, Vice President Joseph Msika told the party
congress that since the inception of the fast-track resettlement
program (last spring), about 46,000 landless black families have been
given 2.5 million hectares of land.
Mugabe's local and international critics maintain that he was using -
and, in fact, is still using - the race card to stay in power.
Addressing party faithfuls, Mugabe once again sharply attacked the
remaining 70,000 or so whites in Zimbabwe (with a total population of
12 million people).
He described the farmers as "the white, racist enemy" and called
on party delegates "to strike fear in the heart of the white man, our
real enemy."
At least six white farmers have been killed during the illegal
occupation of white-owned farms. The last victim was peppered with
bullets less than 24 hours before the congress.
Mugabe has repeatedly attacked the West, particularly London and
Washington, claiming that they not only support the local opposition,
but were also instrumental in cutting IMF and the World Bank financial
aid for Zimbabwe.
On the other hand, most political analysts believe that poor
governance, mismanagement and corruption, as well as the military
involvement of around 11,000 Zimbabwean soldiers in DR Congo, are to
be blamed for the present dismal state of the national economy.
In a recent address to the nation, Mugabe admitted that the
national economy had "performed below expectations" this year, but
insisted that the new budget "steers the nation in the direction we
want to go - that of economic recovery and stabilization."
Meanwhile, his critics are already predicting a worsening of the
social, economic and political crisis in Zimbabwe.
There is a glimmer of hope though. It is believed that, despite the
harsh rhetoric, the government in Harare is beginning to show some
signs of accepting the reality of the situation.
Four government ministers met before Christmas with
ambassadors from donor countries (including the United Kingdom and U.S.) and from
southern Africa. Mugabe's ministers are also reportedly scheduled to
meet with representatives of the Commercial Farmers Union (CFU), which
represents mainly white farmers.
It is expected that the international organizations and Western donors
are now willing to finance land reform in Zimbabwe provided the
government gives up its land grab.
Still, it should be noted that earlier foreign mediation attempts,
including the recent joint mission by the South African and Nigerian
presidents in Harare, have failed to secure Mugabe's consent to
similar proposals.
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