OPINION

The Reformist Illusion In Iran: Miguided Optimism

The recent elevation of Masoud Pezeshkian to the presidency in Iran has sparked some misguided optimism among increasingly isolated quarters of the global community.

Branded as a "reformist" by Tehran’s lobby and proponents of the long-discredited policy of appeasement, Pezeshkian is being hailed as a harbinger of change.

This narrative, however, is not only misleading but dangerous.

By disseminating this myth through its "political proxies," the regime intends to buy time to pursue its malign policy in the region, and efforts to obtain nuclear weapons, while the world will turn a blind eye to human rights violations in Iran.

For more than 40 years, Western policies of engagement, whether constructive or critical, have not only failed to curb the Iranian regime's repressive and aggressive behaviors but have also emboldened it.

The global community now faces the dire consequences of this policy, including increased regional instability and the looming threat of a nuclear-armed Iran.

The unvarnished truth is that the recent sham election was marked by a widespread boycott, reflecting the Iranian people’s unequivocal rejection of the religious dictatorship.

According to credible reports from the main opposition Mujahedin-e Khalq (PMOI/MEK), only 9% of eligible voters cast their vote in the second round.

This boycott was a clear signal that the Iranian populace does not buy into the illusion of "reform." The majority of Iranians understand that elections are a farce, with candidates pre-approved by the unelected Guardian Council, whose 12 members are appointed by the unelected supreme leader.

In Iran, true power rests solely with the supreme leader. The president’s role is reduced to that of a functionary executing the Supreme Leader's directives.

Past presidents, often mischaracterized as "moderates" or "pragmatists" in the West, have merely facilitated the Supreme Leader’s policies of internal repression and external aggression.

Hassan Rouhani’s tenure, for example, was marked by heightened repression at home, continued terrorist activities abroad, and vigorous pursuit of the nuclear weapons program, despite initial Western hopes for change.

Historical evidence unequivocally shows that the clerical regime is incapable of genuine reform. The persistent resistance of the Iranian people, evidenced by the chants of "Hardliner, reformer, the game is now over," during the Dec. 2017 and Jan. 2018 nationwide uprisings underscores that they see through the façade of reformism and seek the overthrow of the entire regime.

The recent death of the mullahs' President Ebrahim Raisi, a key figure in Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei’s inner circle, dealt an irreparable blow to the regime.

Like many autocracies in their terminal phase, the Iranian regime is resorting to increased purges and repression to maintain its grip on power.

Despite these efforts, the regime’s internal weaknesses are becoming increasingly apparent.

Incessant infighting, the economic collapse exacerbated by widespread corruption, and the relentless pressure from a discontented populace are signs of a regime in crisis.

This turmoil further diminishes the likelihood of any meaningful reform under Pezeshkian’s presidency.

Pezeshkian’s own statements reveal that he is a lackey of the supreme leader.

He has repeatedly affirmed that he will adhere strictly to Khamenei’s directives.

His declarations of devotion to Khamenei and pride in wearing the IRGC uniform signal his commitment to the regime’s core principles.

Pezeshkian’s praise for the arch terrorist and former Qods Force Commander Qassem Soleimani as a "national hero" further underscores his alignment with the regime’s militaristic and aggressive stance.

If Pezeshkian is genuinely committed to reform, several critical steps would demonstrate his intent.

Ending the mandatory hijab would be a step towards respecting women’s rights.

Allowing international fact-finding commissions to inspect prisons and freeing political detainees would indicate a move towards political openness.

Abolishing the death penalty, torture, and other inhumane punishments would mark a departure from the regime’s repressive practices.

Ending terrorism, hostage taking and its destructive regional policy through proxy groups is the yardstick of any reform in the regime’s foreign policy.

However, such measures remain unlikely given the regime’s track record and Pezeshkian’s own declarations of loyalty.

The global community should recognize this fact and abandon the policy of appeasement. Economic sanctions and diplomatic isolation are necessary but not sufficient.

They must be augmented by providing moral support and political recognition to the organized resistance of the Iranian people and rebellious youth to bring about genuine change and establish a democratic republic in place of the ruling theocracy.

Only then can there be hope for a better future for Iran and stability in the region.

Ali Safavi - Safavi (@amsafavi) is a member of the Foreign Affairs Committee of the Paris-based National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI)