The Abraham Accords, which began as a normalization process between Israel and four Arab states, are gradually expanding into Central Asia.
The most recent example is Kazakhstan's announcement that it has agreed to join the Accords.
Azerbaijan is a natural contender for the next round of expansion, given its long‑standing security partnership with Israel and its steadily deepening engagement with the United States.
In recent years, Israel has received approximately 40 percent of its oil imports from Azerbaijani fields.
From 2016 to 2020, Israel was Azerbaijan's leading supplier of arms (69%).
This emerging trend coincides with a second shift in Eurasian diplomacy that has received less public attention.
The five Central Asian republics, often referred to as the C5, recently held a high‑level meeting with President Trump.
This year the format effectively evolved into a "C6" once Azerbaijan formally joined the presidents’ dialogue
Azerbaijan's presence in this grouping matters in part because geography has placed it at the center of what is increasingly called the Middle Corridor.
This route has become one of the most practical options that deliberately avoids both Russian and Iranian territory.
The Middle Corridor, built around the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan route and its connected transport links, provides a direct trade route for goods moving from western China across Central Asia and the South Caucasus to Europe.
That's why Azerbaijan has become a pivotal hub for connecting Europe and Central Asia.
There are also emerging opportunities in the South Caucasus itself.
Armenia and Azerbaijan have been discussing new transport links that could, if fully implemented, open significant commercial opportunities for American companies.
Success will depend on the durability of the Armenia-Azerbaijan peace negotiations, which remain fragile but have advanced further than at any time in the past three decades.
If the political process continues and these links are completed, it could create new opportunities for the United States.
America could compete economically with China's Belt and Road Initiative, which has operated with relatively little resistance across Eurasia for more than a decade.
However, to take full advantage of these developments, Washington must update elements of its own policies in this region.
Time to Update America’s Caspian Policy
Earlier this year, I argued that Kazakhstan’s trade with the United States should no longer be constrained by the Cold War‑era Jackson–Vanik amendment; by the same logic, Azerbaijan should also be graduated from this amendment.
It's also time to reconsider Section 907 of the 1992 Freedom Support Act, which restricts certain forms of American assistance to Azerbaijan. This provision was enacted during the First Nagorno‑Karabakh War.
Congress created a presidential waiver for Section 907, and successive administrations used it annually from 2002 through 2023; President Trump extended that waiver authority again in August 2025.
The historic roots of the Karabakh conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan go back to the collapse of the Soviet Union.
The United States imposed the current punitive measures on Azerbaijan after Armenia won the first Karabakh war in 1994, and controlled Karabakh via unrecognized separatists for a generation.
Azerbaijan prevailed in the conflicts of 2020 and 2023 and now liberated and exercises full control over the territory.
Armenia, under Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, has taken the difficult but necessary step of accepting the Alma‑Ata Declaration of December 1991, which defined the borders of the newly independent post‑Soviet republics.
Those borders place Nagorno‑Karabakh inside Azerbaijan.
This reflects the legal principle of uti possidetis juris, which in Latin means "as you possess under law," the rule in international law that newly independent states inherit the internal administrative borders they held at the moment of independence.
Armenian Lobby Behind Times
In recent years, Armenia's government has been pursuing a pragmatic and pro-American foreign policy while the Armenian lobby has not.
This lobby consists of two main diaspora organizations: The Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA) and the Armenian Assembly of America (AAA). They both remain committed to preserving Section 907’s restrictions.
Maintaining Section 907 at this point does little to serve Armenia's long‑term interests.
Repealing it could help Armenia and Azerbaijan put their long conflict behind them.
In 2021, I praised President Biden when he recognized the Armenian Genocide.
When Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu recognized the Armenian genocide, Aram Suren Hamparian, executive director of the Armenian National Committee of America, publicly demanded that Israel end its alliance with Azerbaijan.
The Armenian lobby is hostile to Israel because Israeli weapons were decisive in Azerbaijan’s victories in 2020 and 2023.
The same Israeli drones and missiles that helped Azerbaijan win the conflict with Armenia are even more crucial for deterring Iran.
Harop and Harpy drones can blind Iranian air defenses, Spike missiles can halt IRGC armor, and the LORA ballistic missiles can strike deep inside Iran's northern provinces.
These are exactly the capabilities Baku needs to stay out of the Iranian sphere of influence.
For the United States, a stable Azerbaijan is vital.
It provides a secure supply route for Western goods, energy, and logistics.
Weakening the Israel-Azerbaijan relationship only helps Iran.
Robert Zapesochny is a researcher and writer. His work focuses on foreign affairs, national security, and presidential history. He's been published in numerous outlets, including The American Spectator, The Washington Times, and The American Conservative. When he's not writing, Robert works for a medical research company in New York. Read Robert Zapesochny's Reports — More Here.
© 2026 Newsmax. All rights reserved.