For decades, as the undisputed commander of Palestinian forces in exile, Arafat successfully kept the cause of his people on the front burner of international politics.
From Beirut and Tunis, to Washington and Moscow, Arafat has continuously managed to remind the world of history's injustices against his fellow Palestinians.
Using a mixture of political prodding, cajoling, threats and at times plain terror tactics, the man recognized by his trademark checkered "kiffieh" worked relentlessly to further the Palestinian cause, which for years he claimed was his only "wife."
Granted, the methods Arafat employed were not always orthodox, but then again, neither were those of the Algerians fighting France, the independence movements in Vietnam and India, or for that matter the Jews when they fought the British and the Arabs for their independence in Palestine.
One can rattle off the names of many who fall into that category, such as Menahem Begin, who led the banned Irgun in Palestine, or Algeria's Houari Boumedienne who fought the French. History is riddled with "freedom fighters" turned politicians.
True, it remains largely thanks to the travails of Arafat and his Palestine Liberation Organization that the Palestinians today have a piece of land they can call their own, and are on their way to statehood.
But now, as leader of the small, bi-enclaves -- the West Bank and the Gaza Strip -- that constitute the Bantu-like area know as the Palestinian authority, Arafat has failed to accomplish the one thing that matters most to his people: to bring about a comprehensive peace settlement with the Israelis, which in turn will offer Palestinians security and prosperity.
In Arafat's defense, one must add that the he was not alone in bungling the peace effort that President Bill Clinton tried so incessantly to cement before his departure from the White House.
Arafat had plenty of help in that department from Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak, Israeli nationalist Likud Party leader Ariel Sharon, and many of his fellow Palestinians in the Islamic Jihad and Hamas, the Muslim extremist groups that operate in the territories and that remain opposed to the peace process.
Ironically, Barak now might well end up losing his job as prime minister in the February elections he has called for. And Sharon, who ignited the recent spate of violence as a result of his visit to the Moslem sacred site of Haram ash Sharif will also carry blame for the failed peace initiative.
During the long and torturous months of street clashes between the Palestinians and Israelis that resulted in more than 300 killed Arabs and about 35 killed Israeli Jews, not once did Arafat publicly address his people on the issue.
Arafat, who controls in one way or another, most of the Arab media operating in the area under his control, did not once bother to go on television to talk to his constituents about the fighting that has become known as "Intifada II."
Unfortunately for the Palestinians, Arafat shied away from the peace process and now seems well settled in the chaos that has ensued.
Arafat appears to thrive on such situations, and feels at ease under the gun. Literally. His years as a commando leader in the field have offered him valuable experience.
In that respect, Arafat's resume is impeccable: first, fighting the Jordanian Army in Amman in Septemebr 1970, then in Beirut combating the Christian Lebanese, the Syrians and the Israelis from 1975 to 1982, and ultimately, now, in the West Bank and Gaza, fighting the Israelis once again.
The big question of course is can Arafat survive in a peaceful setting? Is he able to make that all-important shift from militia leader, to the leader of a state at peace? Or does he thrive better in a perpetual war-like environment?
In times of strife, Arafat and his government can easily blame all the ills of his people, economic and otherwise on the Israelis, and on the political and military situation -- much as Hafez Assad did to keep Syria under his boot for close to two decades.
With peace, people's economic expectations begin to rise. They start to demand better living conditions, better public services, better education and less government control on the media and their lives.
To be sure, peace for emerging nations is not an easy issue to nurture, but it is certainly better than the alternative.
Arafat should look at the example set by Anwar Sadat, Egypt's former president and architect of the Egyptian-Israeli peace accords.
When criticized, ostracized, chastised and black-listed by other Arab countries for extending his hand to the Israelis, Sadat defiantly retorted that he believed his historic voyage to Israel would be worthwhile even if it would only result in saving the life of a single Egyptian soldier.
Sadat, as we know ended up paying with his life for his beliefs. He was assassinated in 1981.
Unfortunately, neither Arafat, nor any of his political advisers seem able to project into the future far enough to make statesmen-like decisions and to be bold enough to wage peace rather than war. Sadat had that courage.
In order to stay, Arafat now needs to look beyond the immediate horizon, beyond the seemingly insurmountable issues and find a solution while it is still attainable. He needs to do so while he still has a potential negotiator sitting across the table, and the support of the White House.
Copyright 2000 by United Press International.
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