Last week, the White House invited reporters in to watch what was billed as a meeting of Donald Trump's Cabinet. After Trump spoke, he asked each of the Cabinet members around the table to briefly comment.
Their statements were what you might expect from toadies surrounding a two-bit dictator.
"We thank you for the opportunity and blessing to serve your agenda," said Chief of Staff Reince Priebus.
Vice President Mike Pence said it was the "greatest privilege of my life, to serve as vice president to a president who's keeping his word to the American people."
When I was sworn in as Bill Clinton's Secretary of Labor, I took an oath to "support and defend the Constitution of the United States against all enemies, foreign and domestic." I didn't pledge loyalty to Bill Clinton, and I wouldn't have participated in such a fawning display.
That oath is a pledge of loyalty to our system of government, not to a powerful individual. It puts integrity before personal loyalty. It's what it means to have a government of laws.
But Trump has filled his administration with people more loyal to him than they are to America.
"I need loyalty, I expect loyalty," Trump told then FBI Director James Comey in January — even though FBI directors are supposed to be independent of a president, and Comey was less than four years into a 10-year term. Comey testified before the Senate that Trump tried to "create some sort of patronage relationship" based on personal loyalty.
Preet Bharara, who had been the United States attorney for the Southern District of New York before Trump fired him, said Trump tried to create the same sort of relationship with him that he did with Comey.
Bharara's office had been investigating Trump's secretary of health and human services, Tom Price, and also looking into Russian money-laundering allegations against Deutsche Bank, Trump's principal private lender. Bharara said Comey's testimony "felt a little bit like deja vu."
In his first and best-known book, "The Art of the Deal," Trump distinguished between integrity and loyalty — and made clear he preferred loyalty.
Trump compared attorney Roy Cohn — Sen. Joe McCarthy's attack dog who became Trump's mentor — to "all the hundreds of 'respectable' guys who make careers out of boasting about their uncompromising integrity but have absolutely no loyalty . . . What I liked most about Roy Cohn was that he would do just the opposite."
Trump continues to prefer loyalty over integrity.
His top advisers are his daughter, Ivanka, and his son-in-law, Jared Kushner.
The White House director of social media is Dan Scavino Jr., who had been Trump's caddie.
Lynne Patton, just appointed to run the Department of Housing and Urban Development's important New York office, knows nothing about housing. She had organized golf tournaments for Trump and planned his son Eric's wedding.
To run his legal defense and be his spokesman on the investigation into collusion with Russian operatives, Trump has hired Marc Kasowitz.
Kasowitz has been Trump's personal legal fixer for almost two decades, representing him in his failed libel lawsuit against a journalist, the Trump University fraud case, and candidate Trump's response to allegations of sexual assault by multiple women last year. (Kasowitz called the New York Times article containing interviews with the women "per se libel" and demanded "a full and immediate retraction and apology," which the Times refused.)
Not incidentally, Kasowitz has said he played a central role in the firing of Preet Bharara. Kasowitz told Trump, "This guy is going to get you," according to a person familiar with Kasowitz's account.
Now, Kasowitz is taking on a public role. Bypassing the White House counsel, he instructed White House aides to discuss the investigation as little as possible and advised them about whether they should hire private lawyers.
The horrifying reality is that in Trumpworld, there is no real "public" role. It's all about protecting and benefiting Trump.
When loyalty trumps integrity, we no longer have a government of laws. We have a government by and for Trump.
Robert Reich, a former U.S. Secretary of Labor, is professor of public policy at the University of California at Berkeley and the author of "Saving Capitalism: For the Many, Not the Few," now available in paperback. His new film, "Inequality for All," was recently released. To read more of his reports, Click Here Now.