For decades, conservative media outlets, pundits, and politicians have been waging war against the Radical Left’s adherence to and use of identity politics.
The theory behind identity politics on its face is simple — it’s the political theory of using someone’s personal identity (race, religion, etc.) to determine their policy or political party preference.
However, this generalization is a drastic oversimplification of an institutionalized practice that many agree has been denigrating our national conversation over major policy concerns and smearing political foes come time for the election cycle.
In order for conservatives to effectively defeat such an ideologically based tactic, they have to first fully understand it by knowing its history and methodology.
Mike Gonzalez is a policy expert at the conservative Heritage Foundation in Washington, D.C., whose new book is titled “The Plot to Change America: How Identity Politics is Dividing the Land of the Free.”
Gonzalez offers a detailed analysis as to how and why identity politics has been an effective tool of the Marxist Left’s ideological war.
“What we are being fed by the media is a bunch of myths and they have to consider [identity politics] another way by looking at its inception,” he told Newsmax. “The whole underpinning of this book is to show that identity politics tells the individual ‘Look, you can succeed and improve your lot in life and rise to the occasion, but then you’re joining the system that we are actively trying to destroy and change.’
“That is the plot, and unfortunately, it’s not like there are any formal meetings on how to implement it. The most interesting thing is that the Marxist themselves admit that they are doing this.”
Gonzalez warned that identity politics is “a very dangerous dabbling with tribalism, and it doesn’t like the American idea of meritocracy.
“Critical race theory bases itself off of critical legal theory that emerged about fifteen year earlier, which preaches that the people who wrote the laws did so to maintain their privilege. They are both the offspring of critical theory that was developed by the Frankfurt School’s leading Marxist philosopher, Max Horkheimer. There are many other direct links to everything that is being taught on university campuses today.”
Gonzalez also looks at how the philosophy of the Frankfurt School in post-World War I Germany has influenced the inception of these critical legal and race theories here in the United States.
Gonzalez offers a particularly close and hard look at Herbert Marcuse, one of the intellectual high priests of contemporary leftist thinking “who taught the critical race theorist Angela Davis at Brandeis University.”
Davis is a critical race theorist who, among many other Marxist accolades, was the Communist Party’s candidate for Vice President in 1980 and 1984 on tickets headed by longtime U.S. Communist Party boss Gus Hall.
“Angela Davis had a profound impact and was the inspiration behind the theory of Patrisse Cullors, who co-founded Black Lives Matter, ” notes Gonzales.
Cullors herself admits as much in a Harvard Law Review article in 2019. Moreover, Gonzalez notes how yet another co-founder of Black Lives Matter, Alicia Garza, “also admits on a video by Democracy Now! that she owed everything to Angela Davis.”
The question remains: who was the major influence on Davis’s mentor Marcuse?
Gonzales pinpoints it. As he noted, “Marcuse as being primarily influenced by Martin Heidegger, who was not only a Nazi in the 1930’s but also was the director of the Nietzsche Archives. Heidegger was a close friend of Nietzsche’s sister who got him the position.”
So what can constitutional conservatives do about all of this?
“The solution to the universities has to start with government,” says Gonzales, “The universities have become entrenched and they are very much against diversity of opinions. They will stop people from getting jobs, getting tenure, or [reaching] other prestigious places of power within the university if they don’t have the right politics.”
According to Gonzalez, “the solutions to the Marxist identity politics problem vary because of how we can compel institutions to change.”
He suggests launching a “civil rights movement 2.0” to combat this entrenched problem, and that may very well be on the horizon. Gonzalez concluded that he has faith in his fellow Americans “because we are a distinctly freedom-loving people.”
(Michael Cozzi is a Ph.D. candidate at Catholic University in Washington DC)
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